A corpus-based exploration of the identifying function of proper noun modifiers in English
Rosenbach (2007, 2010) focusses on English PNMs that refer to persons in definite noun phrases and proposes that the identifying function of these PNMs is equivalent to that of determining genitives. Schlücker (2013), mainly on German PNMs, argues against semantic equivalence. According to her, the identifying strength of PNMs is weaker than that of genitives. I agree with Schlücker that Rosenbach’s proposal of semantic equivalence is untenable, but will argue that the argument can and should be taken further.
A first point is that the corpus data show that, contrary to genitives, identifying PNMs are not restricted to definite noun phrases but also occur in indefinite ones, e.g.a Christmas day tragedy (meaning a tragedy that happened on Christmas day), an IKEA spokesperson,. Semantically, this entails that PNMs, in contrast to genitives, do not necessarily provide exclusive identification.
A second point follows up on Rosenbach’s observation that not all PNMs have a genitive alternate, which she takes as evidence for the fact that PNMs can express a wider range of relations than genitives. My corpus data confirm this, but also show that PNMs tend not to be used for core-genitive semantic relations such as possession in English. With this in mind, I reconsider Schlücker’s proposal to analyse PNMs as having an “anchoring function” (Rijkhoff a.o. 2008, Zifonun 2010). This function is, in the prenominal zone, closely tied to the genitive both in terms of its semantic description and in terms of its positional specification (following the determiner but preceding any qualitative modifiers). In addition to the semantic discrepancies already indicated, the corpus data also provide examples that invalidate the positional claim, i.e. where the PNM is preceded by a qualitative modifier, the on-loan Portsmouth striker.
As an alternative analysis, I propose that the identifying PNMs are functionally similar to “identifying epithets” (Halliday 1994): descriptive modifiers that convey a property that is sufficient to single out and thus identify the referent in the appropriate context, e.g. red in the red car when picking out one car in a row of cars of different colours. I will argue that this solves both the positional and semantic issues connected with the anchoring analysis. I will also discuss how the analysis has wider-reaching implications for the model of the English noun phrase, as it entails that the function of epithet (or qualitative modifier) is not restricted to adjectives.
Halliday, M.A.K. 1994. An Introduction to Functional Grammar. Sec. ed. London: Arnold.
Koptjevskaja-Tamm, M. 2013. A Mozart sonata and the Palme murder: The structure and uses of proper-name compounds in Swedish. In Börjars, K., D. Denison & A. Scott, eds. Morphosyntactic Categories and the Expression of Possession. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 253-290.
Rijkhoff, J. 2008. Descriptive and discourse-referential modifiers in a layered model of the noun phrase. Linguistics 46: 789-829.
Rosenbach, A. 2007. Emerging variation: determiner genitives and noun modifiers in English. English Language and Linguistics 11(1): 143-189.
Rosenbach, A. 2010. How synchronic gradience makes sense in the light of language change (and vice versa). In Traugott, E.C. & G. Trousdale, eds. Gradience, Gradualness and Grammaticalization. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 149-179.
Schlücker, B. 2013. Non-classifying compounds in German. Folia Linguistica
Zifonun, G. 2010. Possessive Attribute im Deutschen. Deutsche Sprache 38: 124-152.
Marking of nominal categories on proper nouns
2. the category is overtly coded on common nouns only and not on proper nouns
3. the category is overtly coded on proper nouns only and not on common nouns
4. the category is overtly coded on both proper nouns and common nouns, but the two types combine with distinct markers (and possibly distinguish a different number of feature values)
5. the category is overtly coded on both proper nouns and common nouns, identical markers are used for both types of nouns
I exclude from my investigation cases in which the marker of a nominal category has different functions for proper nouns and common nouns. Such a case is, for instance, the special pragmatic function of the English definite article when combined with proper nouns (cf. I saw THE Will Smith, roughly meaning ‘I saw the well-known actor Will Smith’). Another example, from a different nominal category this time, is the so-called ‘associative plural’ that is found especially frequently with proper nouns. Those cases are certainly very interesting from a pragmatic point of view, but they fall beyond the scope of my investigation.
Schachter, Paul & Fe T. Otanes. 1982. A Tagalog Reference Grammar. Berkeley: University of California Press.
On the morphosyntax of proper names in Hoocąk and other Siouan languages
2) Which nominal categories occur with proper names in these languages?
3) What kinds of modification and determination of proper names are allowed, disallowed, or obligatory in these languages?
4) How are proper names treated syntactically, i.e. how are they indexed on the verb compared to NP with common nouns?
Englaͤndisch, Hamburgisch, Lutherisch − Degrees of „onymicity“ re-flected in the history of German -isch-derivation
Swedish proper-name compounds in blogs: creativity, productivity and frequency
Kajanus Eliza 2005. Barbiedagis, Hitlerfylla, Åsa-Nissemarxist – en studie av svenska sammansättningar med personnamn som förled. Stockholm: Dept. of linguistics, Stockholm University. BA thesis.
Östling, Robert & Mats Wirén. 2013. Compounding in a Swedish Blog Corpus. In Álvarez López, Laura, Charlotta Seiler Bryla & Philip Shaw (eds.), Computer mediated discourse across languages, 45–63. Stockholm: Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis.
Clipping patterns in name formation
This paper deals with the question to what extent the relationship between the clipped first names and their ‘full’ counterparts is governed by systematic principles. I will discuss this matter by concentrating on Dutch, a language in which, in the realm of name formation, clipping in still very much alive. On the basis of Vincent (with initial stress), for instance, children coined spontaneously both Vin, Vins and Vis, whereas Vincent (with final stress) is paralleled by Cent.
It will be shown that, irrespective of the bewildering diversity that the clipped names exhibit, the formation of clipped first names is governed by a handful of principles which, as such, are fairly transparent. In addition, I will go into the difference between ‘name formation’ and ‘word formation’. To a certain degree, name formations may be characterized as ‘word formation by phonological means’. In this respect, name formation in Dutch is crucially different from word formation proper, although some parallels do exist!
However this all may be, the general conclusion reads that Dutch name formation appears to be much more systematic than one might expect on the basis of a superficial inspection of the data. At the same time, it is very much different from Dutch word formation in general.
The Grammar of Personal Names in Modern Hebrew
When asking whether there is a grammar to personal names in Hebrew, we can compare it with settlement names, which constitute another category of proper names, and were analyzed by Ephratt (1986). According to her description, these names are clearly governed by grammatical rules, and it appears that similar rules can be applied to personal names.
Proper names are regularly unspecified as to word-class (Anderson 2007). Most personal names in Modern Hebrew are nouns, and many of them are identical to common names. The basic formation of these names is the fusion of roots with patterns, typical of Semitic languages. Thus, for example, the name baraq is formed by the root b-r-q and the pattern CaCaC.
Gender unmarked nouns, regularly used as masculine, may also serve as female names (e.g. rotem), as part of a recent trend of using masculine generics (Muchnik 2015, in press). However, feminine marked forms presenting the suffixes –a, –t, –it are almost exclusively used for female names. We also find derived feminine forms from existing masculine names, such as yo’ela from yo’el. Another suffix found in personal names is the possessive –i, as in karmi (ʻmy vineyardʼ).
Not only nouns, but also other parts of speech may serve as Hebrew personal names. Thus, we can find names with adjectival forms, such as ʼadir (ʻgreatʼ), as well as verbal forms, such as yaniv (ʻhe will yieldʼ). Verbal names do not regularly present parallel forms for female names, although this could be morphologically possible by changing the initial y– into t–. An exception is taʼir (ʻshe will illuminateʼ), which is marked as grammatically feminine, and therefore never used as a male name.
Many personal names present a compound form, whether abbreviated (nili = netsaħ yisrael lo yešaqer (ʻthe Glory of Israel will not lieʼ), blended (linoy, ʻto me [there is] beautyʼ), hyphened (mei-tal, ʻdew-waterʼ) or separated words (bat ʻami, ʻdaughter of my folkʼ). According to Anderson (1997) proper names cannot regularly be predicates unless adding a copula. Hebrew compound names, however, may constitute predicate phrases, e.g. ʼorli (ʻ[there is] light to meʼ).
The study presented in this lecture comprises a full morpho-syntactic analysis of masculine and feminine names offered for baby boys and girls in this website: http://www.materna.co.il. It will show that personal names in Modern Hebrew present grammatical characteristics similar to common nouns, including different parts of speech, inflections, derivations and compound forms.
Anderson, John M. 2007. The Grammar of Names. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Birnboum, Ofra M. 2000. Proper Names of Secular and Religious Children Born between 1983-1992: Meaning and Form. Master thesis: Bar-Ilan University [in Hebrew].
Ephratt, Michal. 1986. Is there a grammar to settlement names? Lešonenu 50, pp. 5-30, 137-150 [in Hebrew].
Landman, Shlomit. 2014. From Hadassah to Hadas, from Eliezer to Elazar: Linguistic and Cultural Characteristics of Given Names of the Jewish Sector in the State of Israel. Ph.D. dissertation, Bar-Ilan University [in Hebrew].
Muchnik, Malka. 2015. The Gender Challenge of Hebrew. Leiden & Boston: Brill.
Muchnik, Malka. In press. Trying to change a gender-marked language: Classical versus Modern Hebrew. In: F. Beider (ed.), Periphery, Gender, Language. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins, pp. 26-47.
Rosenhouse, Judith. 2002. Personal names in Hebrew and Arabic: Modern trends compared to the past. Journal of Semitic Studies XLVII, pp. 97-114.
Rosenhouse, Judith. 2013. Names of people: Modern Hebrew. In: G. Khan (ed.), Encyclopedia of Hebrew Language and Linguistics. Leiden: Brill, pp. 775-787.
Schwarzwald (Rodrigue), Ora. 2010. First names in Sephardi communities. In: A. Demsky (ed.), Pleasant Are Their Names. Maryland: University Press of Maryland, pp. 191-207.
Proper names and derivational morphology - Italian -ismo / -ista and Ancient Greek -ismós / -istḗs formations
This paper analyzes both Italian and Ancient Greek nouns having proper names as lexical bases and aims at describing the similarities and the differences between the two languages in terms of the morphological processes involved and the lexical meanings of the derived nouns with respect to the proper names (on the “meaning” of proper names cf. Jespersen 1924, Pulgram 1954, Jakobson 1957, Kuryłowicz 1966, Gary-Prieur 1994, Vaxelaire 2005 and Anderson 2007). Among the important questions discussed in the workshop, this paper tries to give an answer to the following: How does deonymic word formation differ from word formation with the same derivational affixes? Which patterns of onymic word formation can be observed, both language-specifically and cross-linguistically? The general topics dealt with in this paper are thus i) how the difference between a proper name (i.e. the derivational base) and a common noun (i.e. the result of the derivation) can be accounted for in a functional perspective and ii) how the meanings of derived nouns arise from the morphological processes involved. In our perspective the processes of antonomasia and metonymy are essential to explain these formations and their respective meanings (cf. La Fauci 2006, 2008 and 2010 on -eggiareverbs).
Our corpus of investigation is constituted by the lexemes collected from the Italian dictionary Zingarelli (2003) and the AG dictionary Liddell, Scott & Jones (1996 ), for a total amount of ca. 1570 It. nouns with -ismo suffix (175 with proper names) and ca. 1380 It. nouns with -ista suffix (90 with proper names) and ca. 860 AG nouns with -ismós suffix and ca. 530 AG nouns with -istḗs suffix. Corpus analysis is complemented with textual analysis. Furthermore, the study integrates recent neologisms (not yet accounted for in actual dictionaries as e.g. merkelismo ‘Merkelism’) collected from the website of the Italianlanguage Treccani encyclopaedia www.treccani.it.
Chantraine, Pierre. 1933. La formation des noms en grec ancien. Paris: Champion.
Dardano, Maurizio. 2009. Costruire parole. La morfologia derivativa dell’italiano. Bologna: il Mulino.
Gary-Prieur, Marie-Noëlle . 1994. Grammaire du nom propre. Paris: PUF.
Jakobson, Roman. 1966 . Commutatori, categorie verbali e il verbo russo, in R. Jakobson, Saggi di linguistica generale. Milano: Feltrinelli, 149-169 [Shifters, verbal 2 categories, and the Russian verb. Harvard University: Russian Language Project, Dep. of Slavic Languages and Literatures].
Jespersen, Otto. 1924. The Philosophy of Grammar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Kuryłowicz, Jerzy. 1966. La position linguistique du nom propre, in E. P. Hamp et al. (eds.), Readings in Linguistics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, vol. II, 362-370.
La Fauci, Nunzio. 2006. Verbi deonomastici e sintassi: sul tipo catoneggiare, in Paolo D’Achille & Enzo Caffarelli (eds.) Lessicografia e onomastica. Atti delle Giornate internazionali di studio (Università di Roma Tre, 16-17 febbraio 2006), Quaderni Internazionali di RIOn 2. Roma: Società Editrice Romana, 3-15.
La Fauci, Nunzio. 2008. Antonomasie, in E. Cresti (ed.), Prospettive nello studio del lessico italiano, Atti del IX Convegno Internazionale della SILFI (Firenze, 14-17 giugno 2006). Firenze: Firenze University Press, vol. I, 279-283.
La Fauci, Nunzio. 2010. Anche Madama petrarcheggia?, in R. Ajello et al. (eds.), Quae omnia bella devoratis. Studi in memoria di Edoardo Vineis. Pisa: ETS, 307-315.
Liddell, Henry G., Robert Scott & Henry S. Jones. 1996 . Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Pulgram, Ernst. 1954. Theory of names, in Beiträge zur Namenforschung 5, 149-196.
Schwarze, Christoph. 1995. Grammatik der italienischen Sprache. Tübingen: Niemeyer.
Schwyzer, Eduard. 1953. Griechische Grammatik. Erster Band. München: C. H. Beck.
Vaxelaire, Jean-Louis. 2005. Les noms propres. Une analyse lexicologique et historique. Paris: Champion.
Zingarelli, Nicola. 2003. Zingarelli 2003. Vocabolario della lingua italiana. Bologna: Zanichelli.
The growing distance between proper names and common nouns in German
Proper names in Modern Hebrew Construct State Constructions
Rothstein, Susan (2012) Reconsidering the Construct State in Modern Hebrew. Italian Journal of Linguistics24(2).
Zwarts, Joost and Yoad Winter, (2000) Vector Space Semantics: a model theoretic analysis of locative prepositions. Journal of Logic, Language and Information 9. 169-211.
Die himmlische Jerusalem – Variation and change in gender classification of proper names (toponyms) in German.
The present paper aims at filling the gap by taking diachronic changes as well as synchronic variation in gender assignment into account. One case in point are names of cities that are classified neuter in NHG (das mittelalterliche Hamburg ‘theneut. medieval Hamburg’) but exclusively feminine in MHG, cf. (1)-(2). The gender change from feminine to neuter must have occurred by the end of the ENHG period (16th/17th century?). Nevertheless, the exact time span as well as the driving forces behind are completely unexplored.
(2) Da inne ſint ʒuo creftige burge. Die eine heiʒet Adromeuſ, die andere biʒantium. Da bi lit ceuſis vnde die michelú Carthago. (Lucidarius 35, 5, 12th century)
--(1991): Gender. Cambridge.
Fahlbusch, Fabian & Nübling, Damaris (2014): Der Schauinsland – die Mobiliar – das Turm. Das referentielle Genus bei Eigennamen und seine Genese. In: Beiträge zur Namenforschung 49/3, pp. 245–288.
Fraurud, Karl (2000): Proper names and gender in Swedish. In: Unterbeck, barvara/ et al. (ed.): Gender in grammar and cognition. Berlin/New York, pp. 167-219.
Harweg, Roland (1983): Genuine Gattungseigennamen. In: Faust, Manfred et al. (ed.): Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Sprachtypologie und Textlinguistik. Festschrift für Peter Hartmann. Tübingen, pp. 157-171.
Köpcke, Klaus-Michael & Zubin, David (2005): Nominalphrasen ohne lexikalischen Kopf- Zur Bedeutung des Genus für die Organisation des mentalen Lexikons am Beispiel der Autobezeichnungen im Deutschen. In: Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 24, pp. 93-122.
Nübling, Damaris/Fahlbusch, Fabian & Heuser, Rita (2012): Namen. Eine Einführung in die Onomastik. Tübingen.
The Grammar of Toponyms: Categorisation and transposition
Working on the grammar of toponyms nearly always involves transparent complex toponyms, which have a structure which can be easily analysed by a native speaker like compounds Sandberg, Karlstadt, (Ge.), Sandhurst, Charlestown (Eng.), Sables-d'Or-les-Pins, Charlesville (Frz), Sandhamn, Karlstad (Sw.), or multiword syntactic constructions like Kap der guten Hoffnung, Cape of Good Hope, Cap de bonne espérance, and Godahoppsudden. This kind of toponym can be examined and classified by a traditional morphological analysis which distinguishes heads and modifiers, for example the heads ‘stadt, town, ville, stad, and modifiers ‘Karl, Charles’; but also by a functional analysis based on a double dichotomy classifying its constituents in appellative or proprial elements on the one hand and in specific and generic elements on the other hand. This method takes better into account the different status of the constituents as a proper or as a common name like in our example ‘sand, sables’ as specific appellatives (sA) and ‘Stadt, town, ville, stad’ as generic appellatives (gA) versus ‘Karl, Charles’ as specific proper names (sP).
Several studies have shown that a functional analysis also enables the relation between headwords and modifiers to be studied on a more abstract level than a classic structural morphosyntactic analysis, and facilitates the comparisons between different languages and different means of transposition as shows the example above: Kap der guten Hoffnung (sA = postponed genitive noun phrase), Cape of Good Hope and Cap de bonne espérance (sA = postponed prepositional phrase), and Godahoppsudden (sA = prepositioned nominal constituent of a close compound).
Therefore, we will focus in this study, on the one hand, on the categorisation of complex toponyms in Germanic and Romance languages according to the nature and relation between the generic and the specific constituent. On the other hand, we will examine the different kinds of transpositions of toponyms, which occur by creating exonyms. Dependant on the language, those transpositions go from total adoption of an endonym, Rocky Mountains (Ge, Ita), to small differences in orthography, Straßburg (Ge.) Strasbourg (Fr), to partial translation of an endonym like North America (Eng), Nord|amerika (Ge, Swe), Amerique du Nord (Fr),América del Norte (Sp), and full translation of the endomyms as Montagnes Rocheuses (Fr) and Klippiga bergen (Swe) for Rocky Mountains. The transcription of an endonym written with non-Latin characters to an exonym written in Latin characters also called Romanisation constitutes a special challenge in standardisation. The formal adaption of exonyms or standardisation is one of the main concerns of normalisation, as it is done in the work of the group of experts of the United Nations.
Leroy S., 2004. Le nom propre en français. Paris, Gap : Ophrys « L’essentiel ».
Löfström J. & B. Schnabel-Le Corre, 2010. Comment analyser et comparer les toponymes de différentes langues dans une perspective synchronique. Nouvelle Revue Onomastique (NRO) 52, 291-318.
Löfström J. & B. Schnabel-Le Corre, Challenges in Synchronic Toponymy: Structure, Context and Use/ Défis de la toponymie synchronique: structures, contextes et usages. Narr, Tübingen (forthcoming)
Nübling D., (2012). Eigennamen. Tübingen: Francke.
Schnabel-Le Corre B., 2014. « Nouns and Noun Phrases as Modifiers in Complex Toponyms: Structure, Function and Use in German, English and Swedish », in Proceedings of the XXIV ICOS, Barcelona, 2011.
Stani-Fertl, R. 2001. Exonyme und Kartographie. Weltweites Register deutscher geographischer Namen, klassifiziert nach Gebräuchlichkeit, und ihrer ortsüblichen Entsprechungen. Wien: (= Wiener Schriften zur Geographie und Kartgraphie, Band 14), UNGEGN. 2002. United Nations Statistics Division, United Nations Group of Experts on Geographical Names. http://unstats.un.org/unsd/geoinfo/nat_names_auth.htm
Van Langendock, W. 2007. Theory and Typology of Proper Names. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Morphosyntactic properties of short first names (hypocoristics) in Russian
Steriopolo, O. (2008). Form and function of expressive morphology: A case study of Russian. Doctoral dissertation, University of British Columbia.
Zalizniak, A. (1977). Grammaticheskij slovar’ russkogo jazyka. Moskva: Russkij jazyk.
When zero is just enough... Typological aspects of zero-marking of spatial relations with different classes of place names
Complex – but why? On the compositional structure of colonial place names (with special focus on German colonialism in Africa and Oceania)
Stolz, Thomas & Warnke, Ingo H. im Druck. Aspekte der kolonialen und postkolonialen Toponymie unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des deutschen Kolonialismus. In: Schmidt-Brücken, Daniel et al. (Hg.), Koloniallinguistik – Sprache in kolonialen Kontexten (= KPL / CPL 7). Berlin: De Gruyter Akademie, 195-266.
On motivations that induce inflectional differences between proper names and appellatives in German
(2) Koch [kɔχ] (family name, singular) – Kochs [kɔχs] (family name, plural)
(3) d-es Iran-s vs. d-es Iran-Ø (‘the-GEN Iran-GEN’)
However, most proper names exhibit more than one property that allegedly creates the motivation of word form preservation, which complicates the examination of single factors. As a result, the status of each single motivation remains unclear to some extent so far and statements on the importance of single factors are formulated quite vaguely.
In my talk, I will present my attempt to operationalize and to sort out the alleged motivations for word form preservation using the example of proper names that are prone to synchronic variation in Contemporary German. While personal names are rarely inflected now (cf. Ackermann in prep.), especially toponyms vary significantly with regard to their morphological marking (cf. 3). They therefore seem to be a promising testing ground to examine the relative importance of the motivations that induce the need of word form preservation.
The addressed samples are taken from the web-corpus DECOW2012 (cf. Schäfer & Bildhauer 2012). They contain selected proper names, which differ with regard to the relevant motivations so that single motivations can be studied in more detail (e.g. the mountains Himalaya and Aconcagua, which differ with regard to their token frequency). A further focus will be laid on homonymic pairs of proper names and appellatives (e.g. Spiegel as name of a German news magazine vs. the appellative ‘mirror’).
By presenting a large-scaled statistical analysis and a detailed examination of single words which are particularly instructive, I hope to refine the understanding of why proper names deviate morphologically from appellatives in German.
Eisenberg, Peter. 2013. Der Satz. 4th ed. (Grundriss der deutschen Grammatik 2). Stuttgart: Metzler.
Nübling, Damaris. 2005. Zwischen Syntagmatik und Paradigmatik: Grammatische Eigennamenmarker und ihre Typologie. Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik 33. 25–56.
Nübling, Damaris. 2012. Auf dem Wege zu Nicht-Flektierbaren: Die Deflexion der deutschen Eigennamen diachron und synchron. In Björn Rothstein (ed.), Nicht-flektierende Wortarten, 224–246. (Linguistik – Impulse und Tendenzen 47). Berlin & New York: de Gruyter.
Nübling, Damaris. 2014. Sprachverfall? Sprachliche Evolution am Beispiel des diachronen Funktionszuwachses des Apostrophs im Deutschen. In Albrecht Plewnia & Andreas Witt (eds.),Sprachverfall? Dynamik – Wandel – Variation, 99–126. (Institut für Deutsche Sprache Jahrbuch 2013). Berlin & Boston: De Gruyter.
Schäfer, Roland & Felix Bildhauer. 2012. Building large corpora from the web using a new efficient tool chain. Proceedings of the LREC 2012, 20 – 27 May 2012, 486–493. Istanbul.